I received this a bit earlier today from Senator Webb, who notes that he's not a "Born Fundraiser" and that this is his first fundraising letter in his "entire three years as a United States Senator." I also find it interesting that he uses the wording, "if I decide to run for re-election in 2012"; apparently, is it really not a definite that Webb will run for reelection? I find that hard to believe, because as much as Webb dislikes campaigning, he really likes being a Senator. And you can't stay as the latter without doing the former, as I'm sure he knows. :)
Dear Friend,
You know me. I am not a “Born Fundraiser.” In fact, this is the first such letter I have sent out in my entire three years as a United States Senator.
But the time has come for me to begin thinking seriously about what it will take if I decide to run for re-election in 2012. And it is important for me to know the extent to which you and others are willing to help.
I began my 2006 campaign on February 8th of that very year, only nine months before Election Day. On that day I had no money and no campaign staff. As most of you know, I had never run for office before. I ran against a well-funded incumbent with a national reputation, frequently mentioned as a Presidential candidate, who had held different political offices for twenty-five years. In the early weeks I was 33 points behind in the polls. But once our message was able to be heard, people all across Virginia rallied to our cause.
We won that race despite enormous odds. Our greatest strength became the thousands upon thousands of people who volunteered their time and energy to put up signs, make phone calls, walk their neighborhoods, and voice their support. But their voices, like mine, were nearly drowned out. Even by the end of the race we were outspent two-to-one, with most of the money spent on the other side going into negative campaigning.
I learned a very important lesson in 2006, about the viciousness of Karl Rove – style campaigns. 2006 taught me that it is vital to have enough funding to explain my background, my record and my beliefs to the voting public, and to be able to defend against demagoguery, misrepresentation, and character assassination. Without proper funding, the demagogues control the message. And with hateful, divisive messaging, they often win.
In 2006 I knew I had only a few short months in which to connect to our voters, and I had a very important set of objectives on which to run. I ignored the negative attacks. I placed my record as a thinker and as a leader before the public. I asked that our voters trust the wisdom and perspective I gained as a best-selling author, an Emmy-award winning journalist, a film maker, a combat Marine, and a public servant, including time as Secretary of the Navy. I spoke repeatedly of the need for true, affirmative leadership in this country. I promised that if I were elected I would work every day to restore a sound national strategy, to focus again on increasing economic fairness and social justice, and to bring greater accountability to government.
I am very proud that my time in the Senate has been spent delivering on the commitments I made during the campaign.
Within weeks after taking office, I was selected by the Democratic Party to give the nationally-televised response to President Bush’s State of the Union address. Rather than reading a text that had been delivered to me by party higher-ups, I wrote my own response, emphasizing the need to re-think our policy in Iraq and to focus on economic fairness for America’s workers.
In the Senate I was given key assignments on the Foreign Relations Committee, the Armed Services Committee, the Veterans Committee, and the Joint Economic Committee.
On the Veterans Committee I wrote, introduced, and pushed to final passage the Post- 9/11 GI Bill, the most comprehensive improvement in veterans education since World War II. Along the way I and my staff developed a leadership model for getting results in the Senate, working on both sides of the aisle and focusing on measurable results rather than noisy rhetoric. Defying many predictions, we passed this legislation in 16 months, giving those who have served since 9/11 the same chance for a first-class future as those who came back from World War II.
On the Armed Services Committee I have been able to use my lifetime affiliation with the US military to bear on a wide array of challenges. In early 2007 I authored and brought to the floor legislation that would require the military to give our troops as much “dwell time” here at home as they have spent overseas before being deployed again. We received 56 votes in the Senate, twice being unable to break a Republican filibuster. But we put “dwell time” onto the public’s radar screen, and caused a dramatic change of focus, even on the Republican side.
I also teamed with Senator Claire McCaskill to create the Wartime Contracting Commission, modeled on the World War II Truman Committee, whose duties are to examine areas of fraud, waste, abuse that crept into the billions upon billions of dollars spent in Iraq and Afghanistan.
I have now been entrusted with the chairmanship of the Personnel Subcommittee of the Armed Services Committee, with responsibility for all manpower and personnel issues affecting active duty, National Guard, reserve, retirees, and civilians in the Department of Defense.
On the Foreign Affairs Committee I have participated in every aspect of the oversight and development of our foreign policy, with a strong focus on NATO, Southwest Asia and the Middle East. With my long experience in Asia, which now spans more than forty years, I have pushed strongly for our country to re-engage in that vital region, to invigorate our involvement with the strategically and economically important countries of Southeast Asia, and to develop a more careful, measure relationship with China.
I am pleased to report that I have been selected to chair the Subcommittee on Asian and Pacific Affairs. Last August I became the first Senator to visit Laos in six years, the first member of congress to visit Cambodia in two years, and the first American leader ever to meet with General Than Shwe, the top leader of Burma. I also negotiated the release of an American held prisoner by the military junta, and met with Nobel Laureate Aung San Syu Ky. This historic trip has marked the beginning of a new dialogue with an isolated country whose strategic importance to the United States has been overlooked.
On the Joint Economic Committee, I have been involved in continuous oversight and debate over the entire range of the troubled US economy, including such challenges as the prospect of re-regulating our financial services industry, the decline of our manufacturing base, the challenges of globalization, the mortgage crisis, and the imbalance in compensation between the top and bottom in corporate America.
I also was able to use my position on this committee to hold hearings and gather data on the much-needed reform of America’s criminal justice system. And last March I introduced legislation to create a Presidential Commission to examine every area of our failed system in order to make specific recommendations to the Congress so that this system will become fairer, more functional, and more effective.
As you might imagine, I was given a lot of political advice when I began this process, warning me that I might be attacked as being too “soft on crime.” But I believe strongly that I was elected to lead, not to evade. My years as a Marine, an attorney and a journalist convinced me that it is possible to be smart on crime without being soft. Our country has five percent of the world’s population, and twenty five percent of the world’s known prison population. We now have seven million people involved in our criminal justice system. And yet more than 70 percent of America believes that crime is worse than it was a year ago – a steady trend. There are better ways to address this national problem. It is time for all sides of the philosophical debate to come to the table and to solve it.
Following the same template that we used in gaining understanding and support for the GI Bill, we have reached out across the aisle, and to all sides of the political and philosophical debate. My staff has met with more than 100 different organizations, spanning the entire reach of criminal justice, from law enforcement to victim’s rights to prisoner advocates. I have also personally met with many fellow Senators from across the political spectrum. We now have 35 co-sponsors on this legislation, and wide agreement on moving forward.
As your senior Senator, I am determined to continue giving you and all other Virginians the kind of leadership that will not back away from the many difficult problems facing our country. But as all of you know, tough problems are tough for a reason: They are the easiest issues for one’s opponents to exploit and demagogue.
As I begin thinking about a re-election campaign, I do so with the realization that I will face the same Karl-Rove-style politics that marked my 2006 campaign. In Virginia political circles, there is already plenty of speculation about popular and well-funded Republican politicians eager to take me on. Whomever the Republicans choose as my opponent, he or she won’t be wanting for campaign contributions.
So I am making a simple request. Our economy is enduring difficult times, and I am acutely mindful that it has affected almost every one of you. But if you believe in the style of leadership I am attempting to bring to the United States Senate, I would appreciate your support. Your contribution to Jim Webb for Senate will help me begin to gather the resources it will take to face the stiff opposition that is already beginning to organize.
Please help support my campaign. CLICK HERE to make a contribution today!
Thank you once again for your past support.
Sincerely,
P.S. We have recently rebuilt and completely updated our Webb for Senate website. Please visit us at www.webbforsenate.com and learn about my latest activities, sign up for regular updates, and keep posted on my travels around Virginia.
